Published:May 8, 2025
Project: Canada-US
Navigating the Canada-U.S. relationship in today’s complex environment requires a keen understanding of power dynamics, key stakeholders and strategies that drive effective cross-border advocacy.
That’s why the PPF Academy launched Managing Canada’s Interests Under Trump 2.0: Tools for Practitioners, a one-day course designed for policy and program professionals working on key Canada-U.S. files. The program is slated for May 29 in Ottawa. (Register by May 16.)
The program is directed by Martin Loken.
Martin served nine years in senior diplomatic positions in the U.S., including positions at the Embassy of Canada in Washington, D.C. during the first Donald Trump administration and part of Joe Biden’s term. He also served as Deputy Head of Mission at Canada’s Embassy to the U.S. and Consul General to Canada in Minneapolis, and was involved in Canada-U.S. border management, energy infrastructure and U.S.-China strategic competition.
We asked Martin what a “Team Canada” approach to diplomacy should look like, what history can teach us about navigating upheaval in the Canada-U.S. relationship and what gives them hope for the future.
He was joined by Michael Pearson (co-director of the program in 2025). Michael served in five federal departments throughout his public service career, where he managed international affairs portfolios and led Canada-U.S. bilateral and multilateral negotiations on files such as fisheries and the COVID-19 public health response.
Interested in developing strategies to navigate the changing Canada-U.S. relationship? Register below by May 16 for Managing Canada’s Interests Under Trump 2.0: Tools for Practitioners.
You’ve both had extensive careers in the public service. How does Managing Canada’s interests under Trump 2.0 draw on your experience?
Martin Loken: In my experience as a senior diplomat, I’ve seen what works and what doesn’t. I’ve engaged with members of Congress in their offices on Capitol Hill and worked with White House staff, as well as National Security Council, State Department and other officials to advance Canada’s interests in the U.S.
Before serving at the Embassy of Canada in D.C., I served four years as Canada’s senior representative in the upper Midwest, mostly during Obama’s first term. I can share my experience from that time advocating for Canada with governors, state legislators, mayors and others, on a broad range of issues. I also engaged with business leaders — from Fortune 500 companies to small businesses — to deepen commercial ties between our countries.
Michael Pearson: The entirety of this course will draw on real-life experience — lessons learned from the history of Canada-U.S. relations, including practical and useful information from personal experience about how to identify and work with colleagues and allies in government and non-government, both in Canada and in the U.S.; important information about how the U.S. system of government is structured, commentary on how political decision-making is and is not changing under Trump; and examples from guest speakers with extensive experience in and with the U.S. that will illustrate what works and what doesn’t in managing specific files and relationships.
What does a “Team Canada” approach to diplomacy look like in a context of increasing commercial tensions with the U.S.? How can policy and program professionals contribute to the Team Canada effort?
MP: There are multiple dimensions a Team Canada approach can take. The first is internal cohesion. This can look like complimentary public messaging from provincial and federal leaders on addressing trade and other threats from the U.S.
A second dimension is seeking diversification in advancing economic and social benefits to Canadians in the face of economic pressure. Internal barriers to cross-Canada trade can be broken down to ensure the over $500 billion (in 2023) in trade, which amounts to 18 percent of Canadian GDP, could be grown exponentially to $700 billion or more. This could include increased collaboration to facilitate cross-country movement of natural resources and redressing traditional opposition to issues such as building east-west pipelines.
A third dimension is international trade diversification, though this might necessitate a more sectoral free trade and industrial collaboration approach, such as joint defence procurement with the EU or agricultural and seafood trade with Asia. The same sectoral approach could apply to North American free trade to lessen Canadian dependence on the U.S. market.
Is this a course on dealing with Donald Trump or is there a bigger context you hope to address?
ML: There’s no denying the urgency and importance of managing the impact on Canada of President Trump’s recent statements and actions. At the same time, it’s important to take a step back. Trump is at once a consequence and a cause of deeper dynamics in the U.S.
We’ll explore some of this during the course, to set the context for approaches Canada can use with current and future U.S. administrations.
What do you wish more Canadians understood about the Canada-U.S. relationship?
MP: That history has proven it is probable, if not certain, that difficulties in the relationship will be transitory — as long as Canadians remain unified overall. But our immediate history also suggests we can never take the relationship for granted and must more consistently explore ways to lessen Canada’s vulnerability to shifting winds in U.S. governance.
Looking to the past, what can the history of the Canada-U.S. relationship teach us about defending Canadian interests during periods of political upheaval?
MP: Whether it was the abortive U.S. invasion during the war of 1812, President McKinley’s “Trump-like” sky-high trade tariffs in 1890, Lyndon B. Johnson’s manhandling of Lester B. Pearson for speaking out on Vietnam in 1965, or the mutual animosity between Pierre Trudeau and Richard Nixon in the early 1970s, tensions between Canada and the U.S. have peaked many times in our joint history.
Throughout these periods of upheaval, consistently steady and strong leadership on the Canadian side has been instrumental in calming everyone down. A common theme underpinning Canada’s approach has been a combination of steadfastness in communicating a unified commitment to independence, plus avoiding personal attacks on U.S. leaders.
A second approach has been to seek American allies within the U.S. who are willing to speak out against U.S. expansionist threats and in support of Canadian sovereignty. A third element has been to highlight common interests and partnerships, such as North American security, cross-border cooperation, the benefits of mutual prosperity from integrated trade and cultural and tourism ties.
What approaches to advancing Canadian interests remain applicable, despite what can feel like unprecedented circumstances?
ML: We can’t let ourselves become paralyzed by the unprecedented nature of some of what we’re seeing now in the U.S. We have proven tools of advocacy to draw on, including presenting fact-based arguments and engaging U.S.-based allies to help carry them. While this may be more challenging now than, say, a few years ago, if we’re prepared, persistent and patient we can succeed.
What gives you hope about Canada’s ability to continue advancing its interests in its relationship with the U.S. at this unique junction, despite the existing turbulence and uncertainty?
ML: We have tremendous assets as a country. We have deep personal, business, academic and cultural ties across the border. We have a skilled public service, including our diplomats in the U.S. We have many friends in the U.S. who understand the value of the relationship. Canada has a proud record of being prepared, professional and productive in our engagements with the U.S. on things that matter to us. I’m confident we can weather the current challenges.
Learn more about Managing Canada’s Interests Under Trump 2.0: Tools for Practitioners, taking place in Ottawa on May 29.
For more information about the program, please contact PPF Academy at academy@ppforum.flywheelstaging.com.
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